Generally Free
This is the weighted total of the four scored pillars.
North Macedonia · 2026
Online access and political competition remain broad. Pressure on journalism, disinformation-related policy risks, privacy gaps, and uneven remedies reduce the score.
Finding
01Online access and political competition remain broad. Pressure on journalism, disinformation-related policy risks, privacy gaps, and uneven remedies reduce the score.
The score draws on country reporting, network measurements, shutdown records, journalist cases, privacy law, and rule-of-law data. The indicator findings below show how that evidence was converted into points. [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8]
This is the weighted total of the four scored pillars.
Targeted blocking and regulatory pressure occur without a comprehensive national filtering system.
Formal remedies exist, but cost, delay, secrecy, or inconsistent enforcement limits their practical value.
8 cited sources support this assessment.
Scored assessment
02Each indicator receives 0–4 points. Five indicators form a pillar. The pillar average is converted to a percentage and multiplied by its published weight.
Targeted blocking and regulatory pressure occur without a comprehensive national filtering system.
North Macedonia: DSP's 2025 shutdown-practice estimate 4/4; social-media shutdown estimate 4/4; OONI measurements and the Access Now shutdown record provide the incident check. [2][3][4]
North Macedonia's B1 evidence supports 3.5/4. Protection is strong, with a bounded exception preventing full credit.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded media freedom 3/4 and private discussion 3/4; DSP's 2025 political-filtering estimate 3/4; the country OONI dashboard supplies direct network measurements. [3][1]
North Macedonia's B2 evidence supports 3.0/4. Protection is generally effective, with recurring but bounded shortcomings.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded media freedom 3/4 and private discussion 3/4; DSP's 2025 political-content censorship estimate 4/4; online-speech legal protection 4/4. [2][1]
North Macedonia's B3 evidence supports 3.5/4. Protection is strong, with a bounded exception preventing full credit.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded media freedom 3/4; DSP's online-speech legal protection estimate 4/4; protection against legal abuse by political elites 3/4. [2][1]
North Macedonia's B4 evidence supports 3.5/4. Protection is strong, with a bounded exception preventing full credit.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded media freedom 3/4 and private discussion 3/4; DSP's political-filtering estimate 3/4; independence from state-controlled social platforms 4/4; OONI and Freedom House records provide the circumvention check. [3][1]
North Macedonia's B5 evidence supports 3.5/4. Protection is strong, with a bounded exception preventing full credit.
Speech laws, official pressure, or civil liability create recurring risks for journalists and online critics.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded media freedom 3/4 and private discussion 3/4; DSP's online-speech legal protection estimate 4/4; WJP's effective-expression measure 2.3/4; the relevant Freedom House country score 67/100. [1][7]
North Macedonia's C1 evidence supports 3.0/4. Protection is generally effective, with recurring but bounded shortcomings.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded media freedom 3/4 and due process 2/4; DSP's protection against abuse of defamation and copyright law 3/4; Freedom House country reporting supplies the offense and enforcement record. [2][1]
North Macedonia's C2 evidence supports 3.0/4. Protection is generally effective, with recurring but bounded shortcomings.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded due process 2/4 and equal treatment under law 3/4; DSP's 2025 political-arrest estimate 2/3; CPJ and Freedom House records provide the documented case check. [2][5][1]
North Macedonia's C3 evidence supports 2.5/4. Meaningful safeguards coexist with material restrictions.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded media freedom 3/4 and equal treatment under law 3/4; the 2026 RSF press-freedom score 69.5/100; CPJ and Freedom House reporting provide the violence, harassment, and accountability record. [5][8][1]
North Macedonia's C4 evidence supports 3.0/4. Protection is generally effective, with recurring but bounded shortcomings.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded political choice free from domination 3/4 and assembly freedom 3/4; DSP's online-media pluralism estimate 3/4; ordinary people's online civic-mobilization estimate 3/4; WJP's civic-participation measure 2.1/4. [2][1]
North Macedonia's C5 evidence supports 2.5/4. Meaningful safeguards coexist with material restrictions.
Privacy law provides meaningful rights, but exemptions, enforcement gaps, or intelligence powers remain material.
North Macedonia: DSP's privacy-law existence measure 1/1; privacy-law constraint on government access 4/4; WJP's effective-privacy measure 2.0/4. [6][1]
North Macedonia's D1 evidence supports 3.0/4. Protection is generally effective, with recurring but bounded shortcomings.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded judicial independence 2/4 and due process 2/4; DSP's protection from political social-media monitoring 3/4; WJP's effective-privacy measure 2.0/4. [1][7]
North Macedonia's D2 evidence supports 2.5/4. Meaningful safeguards coexist with material restrictions.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded private discussion 3/4 and due process 2/4; DSP's privacy-law constraint on government access 4/4; protection from political monitoring 3/4; UNCTAD and Freedom House records provide the retention and identity-law check. [1][6]
North Macedonia's D3 evidence supports 3.0/4. Protection is generally effective, with recurring but bounded shortcomings.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded media freedom 3/4 and equal treatment under law 3/4; DSP's protection from political monitoring 3/4; the RSF press-freedom environment 69.5/100; CPJ and Freedom House reporting provide the targeted-surveillance case record. [5][1]
North Macedonia's D4 evidence supports 3.0/4. Protection is generally effective, with recurring but bounded shortcomings.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded private discussion 3/4; DSP's political-filtering estimate 3/4; protection from political monitoring 3/4; OONI and Freedom House records provide the encryption and anonymity check. [3][1]
North Macedonia's D5 evidence supports 3.0/4. Protection is generally effective, with recurring but bounded shortcomings.
Formal remedies exist, but cost, delay, secrecy, or inconsistent enforcement limits their practical value.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded judicial independence 2/4 and due process 2/4; WJP's judicial-constraint measure 1.3/4; administrative due-process measure 1.6/4; civil-justice independence measure 1.7/4. [7][1]
North Macedonia's E1 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded government safeguards against corruption 2/4 and government openness and transparency 2/4; WJP's independent-review measure 2.3/4; regulatory independence measure 1.9/4. [7][1]
North Macedonia's E2 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded government openness and transparency 2/4; WJP's publicized-laws measure 2/4; right-to-information measure 1.8/4. [7][1]
North Macedonia's E3 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded judicial independence 2/4 and due process 2/4; WJP's complaint-mechanisms measure 2.3/4; civil-justice access measure 2.1/4; civil-justice enforcement measure 2.2/4. [7][1]
North Macedonia's E4 evidence supports 2.5/4. Meaningful safeguards coexist with material restrictions.
North Macedonia: Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded elected officials' authority 3/4 and assembly freedom 3/4; WJP's civic-participation measure 2.1/4; DSP's online civic-mobilization estimate 3/4. [2][1]
North Macedonia's E5 evidence supports 2.5/4. Meaningful safeguards coexist with material restrictions.
Country findings
03These are the principal findings for each scored part of the report. The indicator records above provide the supporting detail.
Targeted blocking and regulatory pressure occur without a comprehensive national filtering system.
[2][3][4]Speech laws, official pressure, or civil liability create recurring risks for journalists and online critics.
[2][5][8]Privacy law provides meaningful rights, but exemptions, enforcement gaps, or intelligence powers remain material.
[6][1]Formal remedies exist, but cost, delay, secrecy, or inconsistent enforcement limits their practical value.
[7][1]Research record
04North Macedonia, assessed from January 1 through December 31, 2025.
Network measurements, legal and institutional datasets, shutdown records, and documented cases support the findings.
Twenty indicators measure content openness, expression, privacy, security, and institutional checks under Methodology v0.3.
Source register
05Country reporting, open measurements, and cross-national datasets form the report record.