Constrained
This is the weighted total of the four scored pillars.
Finding
01Selective blocking, prosecution and surveillance of critical voices, and limited institutional independence constrain an otherwise active online sphere.
The score draws on country reporting, network measurements, shutdown records, journalist cases, privacy law, and rule-of-law data. The indicator findings below show how that evidence was converted into points. [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8]
This is the weighted total of the four scored pillars.
Political sites and platforms face broad or recurring blocks, and independent review is weak.
Authorities use criminal cases, detention, or severe penalties against online expression and organizing.
8 cited sources support this assessment.
Scored assessment
02Each indicator receives 0–4 points. Five indicators form a pillar. The pillar average is converted to a percentage and multiplied by its published weight.
Political sites and platforms face broad or recurring blocks, and independent review is weak.
Morocco: No political website filtering was documented during the assessment period, but court-ordered removals, state-aligned media, and coordinated smears restrict the practical information environment.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded state control over connectivity 5/6; DSP's 2025 shutdown-practice estimate 3/4; social-media shutdown estimate 2/4; OONI measurements and the Access Now shutdown record provide the incident check. [2][3][4][1]
Morocco's B1 evidence supports 4.0/4. The record matches the strongest published anchor.
Morocco: No political website filtering was documented during the assessment period, but court-ordered removals, state-aligned media, and coordinated smears restrict the practical information environment.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded content blocking 6/6; DSP's 2025 political-filtering estimate 2/4; the country OONI dashboard supplies direct network measurements. [3][1][2]
Morocco's B2 evidence supports 3.5/4. Protection is strong, with a bounded exception preventing full credit.
Morocco: No political website filtering was documented during the assessment period, but court-ordered removals, state-aligned media, and coordinated smears restrict the practical information environment.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded content-removal pressure 2/4 and transparency and appeal safeguards 2/4; DSP's 2025 political-content censorship estimate 3/4; online-speech legal protection 2/4. [2][1][3]
Morocco's B3 evidence supports 2.5/4. Meaningful safeguards coexist with material restrictions.
Morocco: No political website filtering was documented during the assessment period, but court-ordered removals, state-aligned media, and coordinated smears restrict the practical information environment.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded transparency and appeal safeguards 2/4; DSP's online-speech legal protection estimate 2/4; protection against legal abuse by political elites 3/4. [2][1][3]
Morocco's B4 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Morocco: No political website filtering was documented during the assessment period, but court-ordered removals, state-aligned media, and coordinated smears restrict the practical information environment.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded state control over connectivity 5/6 and anonymous and encrypted communication 3/4; DSP's political-filtering estimate 2/4; independence from state-controlled social platforms 2/4; OONI and Freedom House records provide the circumvention check. [3][1][2]
Morocco's B5 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Authorities use criminal cases, detention, or severe penalties against online expression and organizing.
Morocco: Self-censorship remains pervasive on Western Sahara, the monarchy, and religion; activist Mohamed Boustati and journalist Hamid el-Mahdaoui received prison terms over online expression.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded legal protection and judicial independence 2/6; DSP's online-speech legal protection estimate 2/4; WJP's effective-expression measure 1.9/4; the relevant Freedom House country score 54/100. [1][7][5][8]
Morocco's C1 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Morocco: Self-censorship remains pervasive on Western Sahara, the monarchy, and religion; activist Mohamed Boustati and journalist Hamid el-Mahdaoui received prison terms over online expression.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded online-speech liability 1/4; DSP's protection against abuse of defamation and copyright law 3/4; Freedom House country reporting supplies the offense and enforcement record. [2][1][5][8]
Morocco's C2 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Morocco: Self-censorship remains pervasive on Western Sahara, the monarchy, and religion; activist Mohamed Boustati and journalist Hamid el-Mahdaoui received prison terms over online expression.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded penalties for online activity 2/6; DSP's 2025 political-arrest estimate 1/3; CPJ and Freedom House records provide the documented case check. [2][5][1][8]
Morocco's C3 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Morocco: Self-censorship remains pervasive on Western Sahara, the monarchy, and religion; activist Mohamed Boustati and journalist Hamid el-Mahdaoui received prison terms over online expression.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded violence and intimidation 3/5 and technical attacks 1/3; CPJ and Freedom House reporting provide the violence, harassment, and accountability record. [5][8][1]
Morocco's C4 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Morocco: Self-censorship remains pervasive on Western Sahara, the monarchy, and religion; activist Mohamed Boustati and journalist Hamid el-Mahdaoui received prison terms over online expression.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded online information diversity 2/4 and digital civic mobilization 4/6; DSP's online-media pluralism estimate 2/4; ordinary people's online civic-mobilization estimate 3/4; WJP's civic-participation measure 1.8/4. [2][1][5][8]
Morocco's C5 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Intrusive surveillance and weak accountability create acute risks for journalists, opposition figures, or civil society.
Morocco: Surveillance and harassment of journalists and activists operate with limited transparency and weak independent safeguards, despite continued access to secure communications.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded privacy protection 2/6; DSP's privacy-law existence measure 1/1; privacy-law constraint on government access 4/4; WJP's effective-privacy measure 0.9/4. [6][1][2][7]
Morocco's D1 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Morocco: Surveillance and harassment of journalists and activists operate with limited transparency and weak independent safeguards, despite continued access to secure communications.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded state surveillance constraints 1/6 and privacy protection 2/6; DSP's protection from political social-media monitoring 2/4; WJP's effective-privacy measure 0.9/4. [1][7][2]
Morocco's D2 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Morocco: Surveillance and harassment of journalists and activists operate with limited transparency and weak independent safeguards, despite continued access to secure communications.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded anonymous and encrypted communication 3/4 and state surveillance constraints 1/6; DSP's privacy-law constraint on government access 4/4; protection from political monitoring 2/4; UNCTAD and Freedom House records provide the retention and identity-law check. [1][6][2][7]
Morocco's D3 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Morocco: Surveillance and harassment of journalists and activists operate with limited transparency and weak independent safeguards, despite continued access to secure communications.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded state surveillance constraints 1/6 and technical attacks 1/3; DSP's protection from political monitoring 2/4; CPJ and Freedom House reporting provide the targeted-surveillance case record. [5][1][2][7]
Morocco's D4 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Morocco: Surveillance and harassment of journalists and activists operate with limited transparency and weak independent safeguards, despite continued access to secure communications.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded anonymous and encrypted communication 3/4; DSP's political-filtering estimate 2/4; protection from political monitoring 2/4; OONI and Freedom House records provide the encryption and anonymity check. [3][1][2][7]
Morocco's D5 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Oversight and remedies are weak, selective, or difficult to use against state digital powers.
Morocco: Courts and formal appeal routes remain available, but prosecutions of critics, royal influence, and weak surveillance accountability prevent consistent independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded legal protection and judicial independence 2/6; WJP's judicial-constraint measure 2/4; administrative due-process measure 1.8/4; civil-justice independence measure 1.6/4. [7][1]
Morocco's E1 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Morocco: Courts and formal appeal routes remain available, but prosecutions of critics, royal influence, and weak surveillance accountability prevent consistent independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded legal protection and judicial independence 2/6 and privacy protection 2/6; WJP's independent-review measure 2/4; regulatory independence measure 2.2/4. [7][1]
Morocco's E2 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Morocco: Courts and formal appeal routes remain available, but prosecutions of critics, royal influence, and weak surveillance accountability prevent consistent independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded transparency and appeal safeguards 2/4 and privacy protection 2/6; WJP's publicized-laws measure 1.4/4; right-to-information measure 1.7/4. [7][1]
Morocco's E3 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Morocco: Courts and formal appeal routes remain available, but prosecutions of critics, royal influence, and weak surveillance accountability prevent consistent independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded transparency and appeal safeguards 2/4 and legal protection and judicial independence 2/6; WJP's complaint-mechanisms measure 1.8/4; civil-justice access measure 2.0/4; civil-justice enforcement measure 1.9/4. [7][1]
Morocco's E4 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Morocco: Courts and formal appeal routes remain available, but prosecutions of critics, royal influence, and weak surveillance accountability prevent consistent independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded online information diversity 2/4 and digital civic mobilization 4/6; WJP's civic-participation measure 1.8/4; DSP's online civic-mobilization estimate 3/4. [2][1][7]
Morocco's E5 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Country findings
03These are the principal findings for each scored part of the report. The indicator records above provide the supporting detail.
Political sites and platforms face broad or recurring blocks, and independent review is weak.
[2][3][4]Authorities use criminal cases, detention, or severe penalties against online expression and organizing.
[2][5][8]Intrusive surveillance and weak accountability create acute risks for journalists, opposition figures, or civil society.
[6][1]Oversight and remedies are weak, selective, or difficult to use against state digital powers.
[7][1]Research record
04Morocco, assessed from January 1 through December 31, 2025.
Network measurements, legal and institutional datasets, shutdown records, and documented cases support the findings.
Twenty indicators measure content openness, expression, privacy, security, and institutional checks under Methodology v0.3.
Source register
05Country reporting, open measurements, and cross-national datasets form the report record.