Constrained
This is the weighted total of the four scored pillars.
Jordan · 2026
Access to global services remains available, but cybercrime enforcement, arrests over expression, surveillance authorities, and limited institutional independence constrain freedom.
Finding
01Access to global services remains available, but cybercrime enforcement, arrests over expression, surveillance authorities, and limited institutional independence constrain freedom.
The score draws on country reporting, network measurements, shutdown records, journalist cases, privacy law, and rule-of-law data. The indicator findings below show how that evidence was converted into points. [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8]
This is the weighted total of the four scored pillars.
Broad surveillance powers and limited independent authorization weaken privacy and anonymity.
Authorities use criminal cases, detention, or severe penalties against online expression and organizing.
8 cited sources support this assessment.
Scored assessment
02Each indicator receives 0–4 points. Five indicators form a pillar. The pillar average is converted to a percentage and multiplied by its published weight.
Political sites and platforms face broad or recurring blocks, and independent review is weak.
Jordan: Authorities blocked messaging applications during national exams and blocked 12 news outlets after critical reporting, while most other services remained accessible.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded state control over connectivity 4/6; DSP's 2025 shutdown-practice estimate 3/4; social-media shutdown estimate 2/4; OONI measurements and the Access Now shutdown record provide the incident check. [2][3][4][1]
Jordan's B1 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Jordan: Authorities blocked messaging applications during national exams and blocked 12 news outlets after critical reporting, while most other services remained accessible.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded content blocking 3/6; DSP's 2025 political-filtering estimate 2/4; the country OONI dashboard supplies direct network measurements. [3][1][2]
Jordan's B2 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Jordan: Authorities blocked messaging applications during national exams and blocked 12 news outlets after critical reporting, while most other services remained accessible.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded content-removal pressure 1/4 and transparency and appeal safeguards 1/4; DSP's 2025 political-content censorship estimate 2/4; online-speech legal protection 1/4. [2][1][3]
Jordan's B3 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Jordan: Authorities blocked messaging applications during national exams and blocked 12 news outlets after critical reporting, while most other services remained accessible.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded transparency and appeal safeguards 1/4; DSP's online-speech legal protection estimate 1/4; protection against legal abuse by political elites 3/4. [2][1][3]
Jordan's B4 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Jordan: Authorities blocked messaging applications during national exams and blocked 12 news outlets after critical reporting, while most other services remained accessible.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded state control over connectivity 4/6 and anonymous and encrypted communication 2/4; DSP's political-filtering estimate 2/4; independence from state-controlled social platforms 2/4; OONI and Freedom House records provide the circumvention check. [3][1][2]
Jordan's B5 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Authorities use criminal cases, detention, or severe penalties against online expression and organizing.
Jordan: Cybercrime law is used to compel silence and punish criticism; journalist Hiba Abu Taha received one year and activist Ayman Sandouqa five years for online commentary.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded legal protection and judicial independence 2/6; DSP's online-speech legal protection estimate 1/4; WJP's effective-expression measure 1.5/4; the relevant Freedom House country score 47/100. [1][7][5][8]
Jordan's C1 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Jordan: Cybercrime law is used to compel silence and punish criticism; journalist Hiba Abu Taha received one year and activist Ayman Sandouqa five years for online commentary.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded online-speech liability 1/4; DSP's protection against abuse of defamation and copyright law 3/4; Freedom House country reporting supplies the offense and enforcement record. [2][1][5][8]
Jordan's C2 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Jordan: Cybercrime law is used to compel silence and punish criticism; journalist Hiba Abu Taha received one year and activist Ayman Sandouqa five years for online commentary.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded penalties for online activity 3/6; DSP's 2025 political-arrest estimate 1/3; CPJ and Freedom House records provide the documented case check. [2][5][1][8]
Jordan's C3 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Jordan: Cybercrime law is used to compel silence and punish criticism; journalist Hiba Abu Taha received one year and activist Ayman Sandouqa five years for online commentary.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded violence and intimidation 3/5 and technical attacks 2/3; the 2026 RSF press-freedom score 39.3/100; CPJ and Freedom House reporting provide the violence, harassment, and accountability record. [5][8][1]
Jordan's C4 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Jordan: Cybercrime law is used to compel silence and punish criticism; journalist Hiba Abu Taha received one year and activist Ayman Sandouqa five years for online commentary.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded online information diversity 3/4 and digital civic mobilization 3/6; DSP's online-media pluralism estimate 2/4; ordinary people's online civic-mobilization estimate 2/4; WJP's civic-participation measure 1.3/4. [2][1][5][8]
Jordan's C5 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Broad surveillance powers and limited independent authorization weaken privacy and anonymity.
Jordan: Journalists and activists face security surveillance and compelled undertakings, with limited disclosure of authorization, targeting, retention, or independent oversight.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded privacy protection 2/6; DSP's privacy-law existence measure 1/1; privacy-law constraint on government access 4/4; WJP's effective-privacy measure 1.3/4. [6][1][2][7]
Jordan's D1 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Jordan: Journalists and activists face security surveillance and compelled undertakings, with limited disclosure of authorization, targeting, retention, or independent oversight.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded state surveillance constraints 2/6 and privacy protection 2/6; DSP's protection from political social-media monitoring 2/4; WJP's effective-privacy measure 1.3/4. [1][7][2]
Jordan's D2 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Jordan: Journalists and activists face security surveillance and compelled undertakings, with limited disclosure of authorization, targeting, retention, or independent oversight.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded anonymous and encrypted communication 2/4 and state surveillance constraints 2/6; DSP's privacy-law constraint on government access 4/4; protection from political monitoring 2/4; UNCTAD and Freedom House records provide the retention and identity-law check. [1][6][2][7]
Jordan's D3 evidence supports 2.5/4. Meaningful safeguards coexist with material restrictions.
Jordan: Journalists and activists face security surveillance and compelled undertakings, with limited disclosure of authorization, targeting, retention, or independent oversight.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded state surveillance constraints 2/6 and technical attacks 2/3; DSP's protection from political monitoring 2/4; the RSF press-freedom environment 39.3/100; CPJ and Freedom House reporting provide the targeted-surveillance case record. [5][1][2][7]
Jordan's D4 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Jordan: Journalists and activists face security surveillance and compelled undertakings, with limited disclosure of authorization, targeting, retention, or independent oversight.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded anonymous and encrypted communication 2/4; DSP's political-filtering estimate 2/4; protection from political monitoring 2/4; OONI and Freedom House records provide the encryption and anonymity check. [3][1][2][7]
Jordan's D5 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Oversight and remedies are weak, selective, or difficult to use against state digital powers.
Jordan: Formal courts and appeals remain available, but royal and executive authority, broad cybercrime enforcement, and compelled silence substantially weaken independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded legal protection and judicial independence 2/6; WJP's judicial-constraint measure 1.9/4; administrative due-process measure 2.0/4; civil-justice independence measure 2.4/4. [7][1]
Jordan's E1 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Jordan: Formal courts and appeals remain available, but royal and executive authority, broad cybercrime enforcement, and compelled silence substantially weaken independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded legal protection and judicial independence 2/6 and privacy protection 2/6; WJP's independent-review measure 2.2/4; regulatory independence measure 2.9/4. [7][1]
Jordan's E2 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Jordan: Formal courts and appeals remain available, but royal and executive authority, broad cybercrime enforcement, and compelled silence substantially weaken independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded transparency and appeal safeguards 1/4 and privacy protection 2/6; WJP's publicized-laws measure 1.4/4; right-to-information measure 1.9/4. [7][1]
Jordan's E3 evidence supports 1.5/4. Restrictions are widespread, although limited protection remains.
Jordan: Formal courts and appeals remain available, but royal and executive authority, broad cybercrime enforcement, and compelled silence substantially weaken independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded transparency and appeal safeguards 1/4 and legal protection and judicial independence 2/6; WJP's complaint-mechanisms measure 1.6/4; civil-justice access measure 2.3/4; civil-justice enforcement measure 2.2/4. [7][1]
Jordan's E4 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Jordan: Formal courts and appeals remain available, but royal and executive authority, broad cybercrime enforcement, and compelled silence substantially weaken independent remedy.; Freedom House's 2025 country scorecard recorded online information diversity 3/4 and digital civic mobilization 3/6; WJP's civic-participation measure 1.3/4; DSP's online civic-mobilization estimate 2/4. [2][1][7]
Jordan's E5 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Country findings
03These are the principal findings for each scored part of the report. The indicator records above provide the supporting detail.
Political sites and platforms face broad or recurring blocks, and independent review is weak.
[2][3][4]Authorities use criminal cases, detention, or severe penalties against online expression and organizing.
[2][5][8]Broad surveillance powers and limited independent authorization weaken privacy and anonymity.
[6][1]Oversight and remedies are weak, selective, or difficult to use against state digital powers.
[7][1]Research record
04Jordan, assessed from January 1 through December 31, 2025.
Network measurements, legal and institutional datasets, shutdown records, and documented cases support the findings.
Twenty indicators measure content openness, expression, privacy, security, and institutional checks under Methodology v0.3.
Source register
05Country reporting, open measurements, and cross-national datasets form the report record.