Highly Restricted
This is the weighted total of the four scored pillars.
Central African Republic · 2026
Conflict, connectivity disruption, violence against journalists and civic actors, surveillance risks, and extremely weak institutions leave almost no dependable online freedom.
Finding
01Conflict, connectivity disruption, violence against journalists and civic actors, surveillance risks, and extremely weak institutions leave almost no dependable online freedom.
The score draws on country reporting, network measurements, shutdown records, journalist cases, privacy law, and rule-of-law data. The indicator findings below show how that evidence was converted into points. [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8]
This is the weighted total of the four scored pillars.
Shutdowns, throttling, or platform restrictions have been used during protests, elections, conflict, or unrest.
No dependable independent remedy constrains political censorship or surveillance in practice.
8 cited sources support this assessment.
Scored assessment
02Each indicator receives 0–4 points. Five indicators form a pillar. The pillar average is converted to a percentage and multiplied by its published weight.
Shutdowns, throttling, or platform restrictions have been used during protests, elections, conflict, or unrest.
Central African Republic: No comprehensive national filtering system is established, but conflict, state pressure, and armed control produce uneven access to reliable information and independent reporting.; DSP's 2025 shutdown-practice estimate 4/4; social-media shutdown estimate 4/4; OONI measurements and the Access Now shutdown record provide the incident check. [2][3][4][1]
Central African Republic's B1 evidence supports 2.0/4. Restrictions are recurrent and safeguards are only partly effective.
Central African Republic: No comprehensive national filtering system is established, but conflict, state pressure, and armed control produce uneven access to reliable information and independent reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded media freedom 1/4 and private discussion 0/4; DSP's 2025 political-filtering estimate 3/4; the country OONI dashboard supplies direct network measurements. [3][1][4]
Central African Republic's B2 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Central African Republic: No comprehensive national filtering system is established, but conflict, state pressure, and armed control produce uneven access to reliable information and independent reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded media freedom 1/4 and private discussion 0/4; DSP's 2025 political-content censorship estimate 4/4; online-speech legal protection 4/4. [2][1][3][4]
Central African Republic's B3 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Central African Republic: No comprehensive national filtering system is established, but conflict, state pressure, and armed control produce uneven access to reliable information and independent reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded media freedom 1/4; DSP's online-speech legal protection estimate 4/4; protection against legal abuse by political elites 2/4. [2][1][3][4]
Central African Republic's B4 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Central African Republic: No comprehensive national filtering system is established, but conflict, state pressure, and armed control produce uneven access to reliable information and independent reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded media freedom 1/4 and private discussion 0/4; DSP's political-filtering estimate 3/4; independence from state-controlled social platforms 3/4; OONI and Freedom House records provide the circumvention check. [3][1][4]
Central African Republic's B5 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Violence, harassment, or impunity materially limits journalism and civic participation online.
Central African Republic: Journalists face intimidation from state authorities, armed groups, and Russian-linked forces, while insecurity and weak newsroom capacity constrain public-interest reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded media freedom 1/4 and private discussion 0/4; DSP's online-speech legal protection estimate 4/4; the relevant Freedom House country score 5/100. [1][7][5][8]
Central African Republic's C1 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Central African Republic: Journalists face intimidation from state authorities, armed groups, and Russian-linked forces, while insecurity and weak newsroom capacity constrain public-interest reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded media freedom 1/4 and due process 0/4; DSP's protection against abuse of defamation and copyright law 2/4; Freedom House country reporting supplies the offense and enforcement record. [2][1][5][8]
Central African Republic's C2 evidence supports 0.5/4. Only narrow residual protection remains.
Central African Republic: Journalists face intimidation from state authorities, armed groups, and Russian-linked forces, while insecurity and weak newsroom capacity constrain public-interest reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded due process 0/4 and equal treatment under law 0/4; DSP's 2025 political-arrest estimate 1/3; CPJ and Freedom House records provide the documented case check. [2][5][1][8]
Central African Republic's C3 evidence supports 0.5/4. Only narrow residual protection remains.
Central African Republic: Journalists face intimidation from state authorities, armed groups, and Russian-linked forces, while insecurity and weak newsroom capacity constrain public-interest reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded media freedom 1/4 and equal treatment under law 0/4; the 2026 RSF press-freedom score 56.7/100; CPJ and Freedom House reporting provide the violence, harassment, and accountability record. [5][8][1]
Central African Republic's C4 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Central African Republic: Journalists face intimidation from state authorities, armed groups, and Russian-linked forces, while insecurity and weak newsroom capacity constrain public-interest reporting.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded political choice free from domination 0/4 and assembly freedom 0/4; DSP's online-media pluralism estimate 2/4; ordinary people's online civic-mobilization estimate 2/4. [2][1][5][8]
Central African Republic's C5 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Broad surveillance powers and limited independent authorization weaken privacy and anonymity.
Central African Republic: Weak data safeguards, security-force access, and armed-group power expose communications despite the practical availability of some encrypted services.; DSP's privacy-law existence measure 1/1; privacy-law constraint on government access 3/4. [6][1][2][7]
Central African Republic's D1 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Central African Republic: Weak data safeguards, security-force access, and armed-group power expose communications despite the practical availability of some encrypted services.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded judicial independence 0/4 and due process 0/4; DSP's protection from political social-media monitoring 3/4. [1][7][2]
Central African Republic's D2 evidence supports 0.5/4. Only narrow residual protection remains.
Central African Republic: Weak data safeguards, security-force access, and armed-group power expose communications despite the practical availability of some encrypted services.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded private discussion 0/4 and due process 0/4; DSP's privacy-law constraint on government access 3/4; protection from political monitoring 3/4; UNCTAD and Freedom House records provide the retention and identity-law check. [1][6][2][7]
Central African Republic's D3 evidence supports 0.5/4. Only narrow residual protection remains.
Central African Republic: Weak data safeguards, security-force access, and armed-group power expose communications despite the practical availability of some encrypted services.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded media freedom 1/4 and equal treatment under law 0/4; DSP's protection from political monitoring 3/4; the RSF press-freedom environment 56.7/100; CPJ and Freedom House reporting provide the targeted-surveillance case record. [5][1][2][7]
Central African Republic's D4 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
Central African Republic: Weak data safeguards, security-force access, and armed-group power expose communications despite the practical availability of some encrypted services.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded private discussion 0/4; DSP's political-filtering estimate 3/4; protection from political monitoring 3/4; OONI and Freedom House records provide the encryption and anonymity check. [3][1][2][7]
Central African Republic's D5 evidence supports 1.0/4. The right is severely restricted and effective safeguards are weak.
No dependable independent remedy constrains political censorship or surveillance in practice.
Central African Republic: Courts and regulators lack the independence, reach, and security needed to constrain executive or armed actors and provide dependable nationwide remedies.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded judicial independence 0/4 and due process 0/4. [7][1]
Central African Republic's E1 evidence supports 0.0/4. The record matches the zero-point anchor.
Central African Republic: Courts and regulators lack the independence, reach, and security needed to constrain executive or armed actors and provide dependable nationwide remedies.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded government safeguards against corruption 0/4 and government openness and transparency 0/4. [7][1]
Central African Republic's E2 evidence supports 0.0/4. The record matches the zero-point anchor.
Central African Republic: Courts and regulators lack the independence, reach, and security needed to constrain executive or armed actors and provide dependable nationwide remedies.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded government openness and transparency 0/4. [7][1]
Central African Republic's E3 evidence supports 0.0/4. The record matches the zero-point anchor.
Central African Republic: Courts and regulators lack the independence, reach, and security needed to constrain executive or armed actors and provide dependable nationwide remedies.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded judicial independence 0/4 and due process 0/4. [7][1]
Central African Republic's E4 evidence supports 0.5/4. Only narrow residual protection remains.
Central African Republic: Courts and regulators lack the independence, reach, and security needed to constrain executive or armed actors and provide dependable nationwide remedies.; Freedom House's 2026 country scorecard recorded elected officials' authority 0/4 and assembly freedom 0/4; DSP's online civic-mobilization estimate 2/4. [2][1][7]
Central African Republic's E5 evidence supports 0.5/4. Only narrow residual protection remains.
Country findings
03These are the principal findings for each scored part of the report. The indicator records above provide the supporting detail.
Shutdowns, throttling, or platform restrictions have been used during protests, elections, conflict, or unrest.
[2][3][4]Violence, harassment, or impunity materially limits journalism and civic participation online.
[2][5][8]Broad surveillance powers and limited independent authorization weaken privacy and anonymity.
[6][1]No dependable independent remedy constrains political censorship or surveillance in practice.
[7][1]Research record
04Central African Republic, assessed from January 1 through December 31, 2025.
Network measurements, legal and institutional datasets, shutdown records, and documented cases support the findings.
Twenty indicators measure content openness, expression, privacy, security, and institutional checks under Methodology v0.3.
Source register
05Country reporting, open measurements, and cross-national datasets form the report record.